Born
28.4.1801
Lord Shaftesbury's autobiographical memorandum:
"Born 28th April, 1801, at 24 Grosvenor Square. Very little or
no
recollection of my earliest years. Remember that I soon passed
under the
special care of the housekeeper, who had been my mother's maid
before her
marriage. She was an affectionate pious woman. She taught me
many things,
directing my thoughts to highest subjects; and I can even now
call to my
mind many sentences of prayer she made me repeat at her knees.
To her I
trace, under God, my first impressions.
I and my sisters - all three of them elder than myself - were
brought up
with great severity, moral and physical, in respect both of
mind and body,
the opinion of our parents being that to render a child
obedient, it should
be in a constant fear of its father and mother.
At seven went to school - a very large one at Chiswick.
Nothing could have
surpassed it for filth, bullying, neglect, and hard treatment
of every
sort; nor had it in any respect any one compensating
advantage, except,
perhaps, it may have given me an early horror of oppression
and cruelty. It
was very similar to Dotheboys Hall.
Remained for five years, and then sent to Harrow and became
the pupil and
lived with others, in the house of Dr Butler, the Head Master
of the
school. Things were there on a very different footing compared
with
Chiswick.
Left Harrow soon after fifteen years of age. Had reached the
Sixth Form and
had learned very little. But that was my own fault. Though I
obtained some
prizes, I was, on the whole. idle and fond of amusements, and
I neglected
most opportunities of acquiring knowledge.
At about sixteen I went to reside with a clergyman in
Derbyshire who had
married my first cousin. I was sent there, in fact, to be get
out of the
way, for the clergyman never professed that he was able to
teach me
anything, nor, indeed, did my father require of him any such
services. I
had a horse, and there were dogs belonging to the house that
constituted my
great amusement; and a family in the neighbourhood showed me
abundant
hospitality.
I remained there about two years, and perhaps no two years
were ever so
misspent. I hardly ever opened a book, and seldom heard
anything that was
worth hearing; nevertheless, there was constantly floating in
my mind all
sorts of aspirations, though I never took a step to make their
fulfilment
possible.
My father had resolved to put me in the army, but he was
dissuaded from
that purpose by the influence, I believe, of a friend, of
whose kind act I
shall always think with the deepest gratitude.
My father then resolved to place me at Christ Church, Oxford,
to which
place he took me in 1819. The Rev. T.V. Short, afterwards
Bishop of St.
Asaph, was appointed to be my tutor; a kind man and a worthy,
and a good
one altogether. I remember well his first question, "Do you
intend to take
a degree?". This was a strong demand upon one who had lost so
many years in
idleness and amusements, yet I answered at once, "I cannot
say, but I will
try"" (quoted Hodder
1892 pp 26-27)
13.8.1825
"First discourse of Chalmers in Tron Church. (The power of
man's reason and
the bounty of God in the advance of his knowledge will be
manifested even
in this world towards end of existence. Monarchy is the great
principle in
physics; close relation of physics to morality. Solar system
typical of
government on earth. Argue that the circle or elliptic form is
the most
complete (being the most celestial figure). Form of bodies,
course of
bodies, etc, all round infer that morals will follow physics.
Mankind began
with monarchy and simplicity. It will return to the point from
whence it
started by a different route, which in morals is equivalent to
a circle.
Monarchy is the most perfect form, and will prevail again when
man, as the
planets, can perform his functions as simply and as truly.)"
(Ashley's notes quoted Hodder 1892
p.28) [24.8.1825: "Finished Chalmers"]
5.4.1826
"People talk of the divine right of kings. No man has a divine
right to
anything except salvation, and that he may lose by his own
negligence."
(Ashley's notes quoted Hodder 1892
p.29)
16.11.1826
took oaths as an MP
Some early activity
respecting
madhouse legislation and inspection
15.1.1832
Robert Southey to Ashley:
"I agree with you that the state of the poor cannot be
discussed too much,
for till it is improved physically and morally and religiously
we shall be
in more danger from them than the West Indian planters are
from their
slaves" (Hodder 1892
p.72)
Ten Hours Bill
Thomas Sadler promoted a Bill to restrict the
hours that children could work in factories to ten a
day. 130,000
people signed a petition for it.
Michael Thomas Sadler (1780-1831), a linen manufacturer, was
an evangelical
Anglican brought up under Methodist influence. He was Tory MP
from 1829 to
1832 He wrote about Irish social questions and (in 1830)
against
Malthus
respecting the poor law.
8.8.1832 Sadler's Report
December 1832: Leeds election: Sadler lost (other
contestants John
Marshall, a factory employer and T.B. Macaulay)
Late in 1832 Ashley read about conditions in
factories and became interested in the efforts to limit
children's working
hours to ten a day.
February 1833: Sir Andrew Agnew introduced Ashley to
Rev.G.S. Bull.
Ashley was persuaded to sponsor a ten hours bill
Best says that Ashley believed his
factory campaign
was "impeccable Toryism" and that he took it up "as much from
dislike of
the mill owners as from sympathy with the mill workers"
(Best, G.F.A.
1964 pp 88 +
107).
June 1833 The Factory Commission report paved the way
for acceptance
of
interventionist legislation on the grounds that children
cannot protect
themselves and are therefore entitled to protection.
Ashley's 10 hour bill was lost in July.
August 1833 Althorpe, the Whig Chancellor, introduced
his own bill
in
August which became law (1833 Factory Act) forbidding the
employment of
children under nine; restricting the hours of children for 9
to 13 to 8
hours a day and of young people under 18 to 12 hours a day and
requiring
that factory children should be educated for two hours every
day. Most
important, four factory inspectors were appointed to enforce
the Act. The
Act only applied to textile factories (cotton, wool, silk and
flax)
Ashley displaced by Hindley as 10 hours spokesman.
Successfully opposed a new government factory bill. Hindley
introduced a bill in 1836.
Summer 1836 resumed Parliamentary leadership on 10
hours bill.
Visiting factories with reference to legislation.
20.7.1838 Speech in Parliament on Factory Act.
8.10.1838-22.9.1841 Campaign for Protestant Bishopric
in Jerusalem.
3.10.1838 Diary entry that may refer to
Richard
Paternoster
Government factory bill withdrawn.
1840 Chimney Sweeps Act
4.8.1840
Motion for Royal
Comission
(below)
Monday 29.8.1840 Diary:
"What a chaos of schemes and disputes is on
the
horizon. What violence, what hatred, what combination, what
discussion.
What a stir of every passion and every feeling in men's
hearts. Where
should we be were there not 'One who stilleth the madness of
the people'"
(Hodder
1,
p.274)
["One who stilleth the madness of the people" is from
Psalm 65 in the Book of Common Prayer, appointed to be sung at
evensong on
the 12th of each month. In the Authorized Bible it is "the
tumult of the
people".]
|
Infant Labour
Ashley called for the setting up of a Royal Commission of
Inquiry into
Children's Employment in general
On 4.8.1840 Ashley successfully moved in he House of
Commons:
That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying
that her
Majesty will be graciously pleased to direct an inquiry to be
made into the
employment of the poorer classes in mines and collieries, and
in the
various branches of trade and manufacture in which numbers of
children work
together, not being included in the provisions of the acts for
regulating
the [employment?] of children and young persons in mills and
in factories,
and to collect information as to the ages at which they are
employed, the
number of hours they are engaged in work, the time allowed
each day for
meals, and as to the actual state, condition, and treatment of
such
children, and as to the effects of such employment, both with
regard to
their morals and their bodily health.
|
Sir, I hardly know whether any argument is necessary to prove
that the
future hopes of a country must, under God, be laid in the
character and
condition of its children; however right it may be to attempt,
it is almost
fruitless to expect, the reformation of its adults; as the
sapling has been
bent, so will it grow ... Now, Sir, whatever may be done or
proposed in
time to come, we have, I think, a right to know the state of
our juvenile
population; the House has a right, the country has a right ...
The first
step towards a cure is a knowledge of the disorder. We have
asserted these
truths in our factory legislation; and I have on my side the
authority of
all civilised nations of modern times; the practice of the
House; the
common sense of the thing; and the justice of the principle
... It is
right, Sir, that the country should know at what cost is
pre-eminence is
purchased. `Petty rogues submit to fate, that great ones may
enjoy their
state`. The number I cannot give with any degree of accuracy,
though I may
venture to place them as many-fold the number of those engaged
in the
factories; the suffering I can exhibit, to a certain degree,
in the
documents before me. ...
My first grand object is to bring these children within the
reach of
education; it will then be time enough to fight about the mode
... I am
sure that the exhibition of the peril will terrify even the
most sluggish
and the most reluctant into some attempt at amendment; but I
hope fr far
better motives. For my part I will say, though possibly I may
be charged
with cant and hypocrisy, that I have been bold enough to
undertake the
task, because I must regard the objects of it as being
created, as
ourselves, by the same Maker, redeemed by the same Saviour,
and destined to
the same immortality; and it is, therefore, in this spirit,
and with these
sentiments, which, I am sure, are participated in by all who
hear me, that
I now venture to entreat the countenance of this House, and
the cooperation
of her Majesty's Ministers, first to investigate, and
ultimately to remove,
theses sad evils, which press so deeply and so extensively on
such a large
and such an interesting portion of the human race.
|
[Ashley argues above, that the forces of the market and
society, drew the
classes apart. There is an analogous separation in the urban
geography of
Manchester, as Engels describes it. But there are also points
at which the
classes were coming together. One was the intellectual input
of higher
classes into working class agitation, which Engels and Ashley
both refer
to. Another was the evangelical movement among the working
class. Another
(later) was the novel. There was a struggle for the soul of
the slums.]
During the Spring and Summer of 1842 Ashley's main House of
Commons
preoccupation was the Coal Mines Act. Proceedings on the Act
continued
until August 1842
Early May 1842: Publication of:
Children's
Employment
Commission. First report of the commissioners. Mines
1842
Friday 6.5.1842 Times editorial about the
Report saying that it would pursue the issue in future
articles.
Saturday 7.5.1842 Ashley's Diary: The Report of the Commission is
out
|
Petitions against
moral depravity in the pits
Saturday 14.5.1842: Times editorial continued.
On
the
chain
14.5.1842 Diary
The Government cannot, if they would, refuse the Bill of
which I have given notice, to exclude females and children
from the coal-
pits - the feeling in my favour has become quite enthusiastic;
the Press on
all sides is working most vigorously. Wrote pointedly to thank
the editor
of the Morning Chronicle for his support, which is most
effective.
(Hodder
1, p.
418
quoted BREADY p.288)
|
Tuesday 17.5.1842: Times editorial continued. On
parents and
apprenticeship and then
on the treatment of women
Coal Mines
Tuesday 31.5.1842 Day Ashley gave up to Peel the day
allocated for
introduction of the Coal Mines Bill, so that Peel would have
the time
needed for the final stages of his Income Tax Bill. Ashley
given 7.6.1842
in its place.
Tuesday 7.6.1842 Ashley asked leave to introduce a bill
respecting
the
employment of women and children in mines and collieries (Hansard
7.6.1842)
col 1327:
Speaking of one of the girls, he says
She stood shivering before me from cold. The rug that hung
about her waist
was as black as coal, and saturated with water, the drippings
of the roof
In a pit near New Mills, the chain passing high up between the
legs of two
girls, had worn large holes in their trousers. Any sight more
disgustingly
indecent or revolting can scarcely be imagined than theses
girls at work.
No brothel can beat it.
col 1328:
young persons, destined, in God's providence, to holier
and happier
duties,
col 1337:
The first provision, then, which I shall propose will be
the total
exclusion of all females from the mines and collieries of this
country. I
think that every principle of religion - I think that every
law of nature
calls for such a step;
Ellspee Thompson says:
I can say, to my own cost, that the bairns are much
neglected when both
parents work below; and if neighbours keep the children, they
require as
much as women sometimes earn, and yet neglect them.
col 1337:
Mr M.T. Sadler, a surgeon at Barnsley, says:
I strongly disapprove of females being in pits; the female
character is
totally destroyed by it; their habits and feelings are
altogether
different; they can neither discharge the duty of wives nor
mothers. I see
the greatest difference in the homes of those colliers whose
wives do not
go into pits.
cols 1339-1340
The next point to which I wish to call attention, is the
exclusion of
all boys under thirteen years of age; and this I confess may
be looked upon
as my weak point, for here I am likely to find the greatest
opposition.
|
Thursday 23.6.1842 Prince Albert conveyed his and the Queen's
support to
Ashley respecting the Coal Mines Bill. Invited Ashley to call.
Petitions in
favour of the bill from working men
Saturday 25.6.1842 2am Ashley forced Coal Mines Bill "through
the Report".
12pm Ashley called on Prince Albert.
August to September 1842:
the Plug
Plot
Riots
Lunacy Inquiry
Commission August 1842
Ashley was in Dorset in August, on a tour
of the factory districts in September, and visiting various
places
(including "Wilton") in October.
Monday 8.8.1842 Diary: "Took the Sacrament on Sunday
in joyful and
humble
thankfulness to Almighty God, for the undeserved measure of
success with
which He has blessed my effort for the glory of His name, and
the welfare
of His creatures. Oh that `it may be the beginning of good to
all
mankind!`..."
10.8.1842 ROYAL ASSENT COAL MINES ACT
11.11.42 Diary:
"This is a mighty subject, and one on which authority and
power could be extensively and beneficially exercised."
|
30.1.1843 "Sturminster Speech" strained relations with his
father
Education
Hansard
28.2.1843
cols 47-104: Ashley's address on the diffusion of
moral and religious education among the working classes.
Condition and
Education of the Poor.
Hansard
28.2.1843
col 47
Late events have, I fear, proved that the moral condition
of our people
is unhealthy and even perilous - all are pretty nearly agreed
that
something
further must be attempted for their welfare; and I now
venture, therefore,
to offer, for the discussion, both matter and opportunity.
Surely, Sir, it
will not be necessary as a preliminary to this motion to
inquire on whom
should rest the responsibility of our present condition - our
duty is to
examine the moral state of the country; to say whether it be
safe,
honourable, happy, and becoming the dignity of a Christian
kingdom; and, if
it be not so, to address ourselves to the cure of evils which,
unlike most
inveterate and deeply rooted abuses, though they cannot be
suffered to
exist without danger, may be removed without the slightest
grievance, real
or imaginary, to any community or even any individual. The
present time,
too, is so far favourable to the propounding of this question,
as that it
finds us in a state of mind equally distant, I believe, from
the two
extremes of opinion; the one, that education is the direct,
immediate, and
lasting panacea for all our disorders; the other that it will
either do
nothing at all, or even exasperate the mischief. That it will
do everything
is absurd; that it will do nothing is more so; every
statesman, that is ,
every true statesman, of every age and nation has considered a
moral,
steady, obedient and united people indispensable to external
greatness or
internal peace. Wise men [col 48] have marked out the
road whereby these desirable ends may be attained; I will not
multiply
authorities; I will quote two only, the one secular, the other
sacred: I
think I may say, observes the famous
John
Locke, that of
all the men we
meet with, nine parts in ten are what they are, good or evil,
useful or
not, by their education. It is that which makes the great
difference in
mankind. Train up a child, said Solomon, in the way he should
go: and when
he is old, he will not depart from it.
our lot is cast in a time when our numbers, already vast, are
hourly
increasing at an almost geometrical ratio - our institutions
receive, every
day, a more liberal complexion, while the democratic
principle, by the mere
force of circumstances is fostered and developed.
Hansard
28.2.1843 col
48
But if we look forward to the next ten years, there will
be an increase
of at least 2,500,000 in the population; and should nothing be
done to
supply our want, we shall then have in addition to our present
arrears, a
fearful multitude of untutored savages.
Hansard
28.2.1843 col
62
First, Sir, observe the effects that are produced by the
drunken habits
of the working-classes; you cannot have a more unanswerable
proof of the
moral degradation of a people.
Hansard
28.2.1843
col
63
I will lay before them [the house] the testimony of
eminent medical
men, who will show what ruin of the intellect and the
disposition attends
the indulgence of [col 64] these vicious enjoyments
- we
shall see how large a proportion of the cases of lunacy is
ascribable to
intoxication; but we shall draw, moreover, this startling
conclusion, that,
if thousands from this cause are deprived of their sanity and
incarcerated
in mad-houses, there must be many-fold more, who, though they
fall short of
the point of absolute insanity, are impaired in their
understanding and
moral perceptions.
Dr Prichard, who is well known, not only in the medical, but
also in the
literary world, writes to me that:-
The medical writers of all countries reckon intemperance among
the most
influential exciting causes of insanity.
Esquirol, who has
been most
clebrated on the continent for his researches into the
statistics of
madness, and who is well known to have extended his inquiries
into all
countries, was of the opinion that, 'this cause gives rise to
one-half of
the cases of insanity that occur in Great Britain.'
Dr Prichard adds that:-
This fact, although startling, is conformed by many instances.
It was
found, that in an asylum at Liverpool, to which 495 patients
had been
admitted, not less than 257 had become insane from
intemperance
Hansard
28.2.1843
col
72
The King's strength ought to be in the multitude of his
people etc
An evil state of morals engenders and diffuses a ferocious
spirit.
People, Mr Speaker, will oftentimes administer consolation by
urging that a
mob of Englishmen will never be disgraced by the atrocities of
the
Continent. Now, Sir, apart from the fact that one hundredth
part of 'the
reign of terror' is sufficient [Hansard 28.2.1843, col 74] to
annihilate
all virtue and all peace in society, we have never, except in
1780, and a
few years ago at Bristol and Nottingham, seen a mob of our
countrymen in
triumphant possession. Conflagration then and plunder
devastated the scene;
nor were they forgotten in the riots of last year, when during
the short-
lived anarchy of an hour, they fired I know not how many
houses within the
district of the Potteries
Hansard
28.2.1843 col
74
Nor let us, Sir, put out of mind this great and stirring
consideration,
that the moral condition of England seems destined by
providence to lead
the moral condition of the world. Year after year we are
sending forth
thousands and hundreds of thousands of our citizens to people
the vast
solitudes and islands of another hemisphere; the Anglo-Saxon
race will
shortly overspread half the habitable globe. What a mighty and
what a rapid
addition to the happiness of mankind, if these thousands
should carry with
them, and plant in those distant regions, our freedom, our
laws, our
morality and our religion! This, Sir, is the ground of my
appeal to this
House; the plan that I venture to propose, and the argument by
which I
sustain it. ... We owe to the poor of our land a weighty
debt. We call
them improvident and immoral, and many of them are so; but
that
improvidence and immorality are the results in a great
measure, of our
neglect, and, in not a little, of our example. We owe them,
too, the debt
of kinder language, and more frequent intercourse. This is no
fanciful
obligation; our people are more alive than any other to honest
zeal for
their cause, and sympathy with their necessities, which, fall
though it
oftentimes may on unimpressible hearts, never fails to find
some that it
comforts and many that it softens. Only let us declare this
night, that we
will enter on a novel and better course - that we will seek
their temporal,
through their eternal welfare - and the half of our work will
then have
been
achieved. There are many hearts to be won, many minds to be
instructed, and
many souls to be saved: 'Oh Patria! oh Div–m domus!' -
the blessing
of
God will rest upon our endeavours; and the oldest among us may
perhaps live
to enjoy, for himself and for his children, the opening day of
the
immortal, because the moral glories of the British empire.
|
15.3.1844: Ashley's speech in the House of Commons
trying to amend a
Government Bill so that it would restrict the worker's day to
ten hours. -
(Engels quotes
from)
25.7.1844 Diary:
My
friend, the Times, in character as usual, charges me
with weakness. How can I be otherwise, not having in the House
even a
bulrush to rest upon? 'No politician! no statesman!' I never
aspired to
that character; if I did, I should not be such a fool as to
attack every
interest and one half of mankind, and only on the behalf of
classes whose
united influences would not obtain for me fifty votes in the
county of
Dorset or the borough of manchester. 'Rides but one hobby
horse at a time!'
Of course; a man who cannot afford to keep a groom. if he be
rich enough to
have two horses, must ride them alternately. I have no aid of
any kind, no
coadjutor, no secretary, no one to begin and leave me to
finish, or finish
what I begin; everything must be done by myself, or it would
not be done at
all.
|
Ashley was not an MP from 31.1.1846, when he resigned his
Dorset seat, to
30.7.1847 when he was returned for Bath.
On the 31st of January he resigned his seat.. Two days before
taking that
step, he re-introduced into the House of Commons his Ten Hour
Bill with
every prospect of success. Hodder 2 p.129
June 1847 Ten Hours Act passed restricting women and
young persons
to 63 hours a week.
1851 Lodging Houses
10.3.1854 House of Lords: Religious Liberty in
Turkey
25.3.1856 Manchester: Young Men's Christian
Association
1858
Social Science
Congress Liverpool: Sanitary Legislation
Lord Shaftesbury, as President of the Health Section,
concluded his
address by remarking:
These are some of the evils; of the remedies for them, many
may be
accepted, many rejected, but all should be investigated; for,
I say it
without presumption, that the things we state from the
platform are founded
on experience, and what we propound is no longer matter of
experiment.
The operation of the Public Health Act has shown, in Ely, that
the town
might
be nearly as healthy as the country; it shows a marvellous
reduction of
mortality, to 17 in the thousand, when the mortality of rural
districts
around it amounts to 21 in the thousand. It is the same in
Croydon; and in
Liverpool, I am informed - greatly to your honour, and this
adds no little
to your responsibility - that your sanitary arrangements save
3,700 lives a
year as compared with former times.
I do not mean to say that the very highest
sanitary arrangements in towns will bring health and life to
the same
standard as the highest arrangements in country districts; but
I assert the
great improvability of urban life, and the abatement of much
suffering
among dense populations.
Surely that is a matter for deep and solemn
consideration; and ought we to be tranquil when we are told
that the
preventible mortality in this country amounts to no less than
90,000 a
year? Let us say, to be within compass, 40,000; that is, four
lives an
hour. Again, I assert, here is a matter for solemn
consideration.
Now, we may be
told by some that these things are but in the course of
nature, and we
ought not to interfere; on such we will turn our backs; we
will not listen
to such a representation. We may be told that these things are
costly, and
require financial effort, and the people are not ready to
undertake the
expense; but we may safely say that it is disease that is
expensive, and it
is health that is cheap.
There is nothing that is so economical as justice and mercy
towards all
interests - temporal and spiritual - of all the human race.
If we be
told that spiritual remedies are sufficient, and that we
labour too much
for the perishable body, I reply that spiritual appliances in
the state of
things to which I allude are altogether impossible. Make
every effort -
push them forward - never desist - lose not a moment - but
depend upon it
that in such a state of things you will in the end be utterly
baffled.
But when people
say we should think more of the soul and less of the body, my
answer is,
that the same God who made the soul made the body also. It
is an
inferior work, perhaps, but nevertheless it is His work, and
it must be
treated and cared for according to the end for which it was
formed -
fitness for His service.
I maintain that God is worshipped, not only by the
spiritual, but by the material creation. You find it in
the
Psalms, - "Praise Him, sun and moon, praise Him, all ye stars
of light."
And that worship is shown in the perfection and obedience of
the thing
made.
Our great object should be to do all we can to remove the
obstructions which stand in the way of such worship and of the
body's
fitness for its great purpose. If St. Paul, calling our
bodies the
temples of the Holy Ghost, said that they ought not to be
contaminated by
sin, we also say that our bodies, the temples of the Holy
Ghost, ought not
to be corrupted by preventible disease, degraded by avoidable
filth, and
disabled for His service by unnecessary suffering.
Therefore, all that
society can do it ought to do, to remove difficulties and
impediments; to
give to every man, to the extent of our power, full, fair, and
free
opportunity so to exercise all his moral, intellectual,
physical, and
spiritual energies, that he may, without let or hindrance, be
able to do
his duty in that state of life to which it has God to call
him.
Note in Ashley's
speeches:
This extract has been inserted in order to meet the argument,
at that
time very prevalent, that all physical efforts were vain, nay,
almost
worse, and that moral remedies alone could be applied.
22.11.1859 Swindon: Literary Institutes for Working
Men
24.2.1860 House of Lords: Religious Service in
Theatres
5.7.1861 House of Lords: Indian Irrigation and
Inland
Navigation
1866
Social Science
Congress:
Legislation on Social Subjects
11.4.1866 Willis's Rooms: Refuges for Homeless
Children
18.12.1866 Blackwall: Homeless Boys of London
11.4.1867 House of Lords: Agricultural Gangs
14.5.1867 House of Lords: Clerical Vestments
Bill
23.7.1867 House of Lords: Representation of the
People Bill
Speeches of the Earl of Shaftesbury, K.G. Upon Subjects
Having Relation
to the Claims and Interests of the Labouring
Class. London:
Chapman and
Hall, 193 Picadilly.
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the writings of
Lord Ashley, (Anthony Ashley Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury)
arranged in chronological order with political and
biographical context
<http://studymore.org.uk/xAshley.htm>
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Index
1830,
1831,
1832,
1833,
1834,
1835,
1836,
1837,
1838,
1839,
1840,
1841,
1842,
1843,
1844,
1845,
1846,
1847,
1848,
1849,
1850,
1851,
1852,
1853,
1854,
1855,
1856,
1857,
1858,
1859,
1860,
1861,
1862,
1863,
1864,
1865,
1866,
1867,
1868,
1869,
Authority and
power
Coal mines
Daniel
Debt to the poor
Education
Function of law
Infant labour:
King's
strength
Madness of the
people
1840,
1843
Moral and obedient
people
Moral
empire
non-
interference
Ten Hours Bill
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