The other factor that makes the family so effective is that it
concerns the
"daily habits" and not just the occasional activity of politics.
|
How fair is
Britain? (2010) surveys the "chances, choices and outcomes
in
life" of
people with different "characteristics"
(identities). Two of the identities it
talks about are
gender and
sexual orientation. It relates these to
the
social structure of English
law
About Gender
the 2010 "How Fair is Britain?" review says that:
"The gender pay gap has narrowed considerably since the
Equal Pay Act 1970 came into force in
1975."
Comment: Before 1975, it was legal to have different pay scales at work for
men and
women. A man and a women doing the same work would be paid diffently.
As
we have seen in discussin John Stuart
Mill, law used to
prevent women from being equal with men. It prevented women from having the
same rights in marriage, the same education and employment opportunities
and the same political rights as men. In the mid-19th century, being a
woman would mean you could not
go to
university, could not work as a doctor or lawyer, and
could not vote.
About
Sexual Orientation the 2010 "How Fair
is Britain?" review says that:
"A gap of less than 20 years separates the debate about
Section 28, a
piece of law which stigmatised same-sex relationships, and
civil
partnerships, a piece of law which gave those relationships
legal
recognition."
Comment: Sexual acts between men (male homosexuality) were illegal in
Britain
between
1885 and
1967.
Many
men went to prison under this law and many more lived in fear. After being
an active homosexual became legal, a
campaign for positive "gay" attitudes developed. "Section 28" in
1988 tried to curb that.
|
Theory - Gender and social structure
In these lectures on social structures and social identities, we are
looking
1) How theorists imagine the structure of society and
2) how they relate structure to the social
interactions that create our personal identities as individuals.
Two concepts that help us to relate identity to social structure are
role and
socialisation
|
We can use our
earlier diagram to think about how gender relates to social
structure. The family, school and society outside them are all
social structures, and parts of the whole society.
We think of socialisation as having three stages:
Primary (first stage) socialisation:
Family
Secondary (second stage) socialisation:
School
Tertiary (third stage) socialisation:
Society
We can turn to
Talcott Parsons to see how these three stages relate to
gender. We will look at what he says about socialisation in
the family, in
school and at that crucial point when
society may direct the girl to be a housewife.
|
In 1959 Talcott
Parsons wrote
"the only characteristic fundamental to later roles which has
been clearly "determined" and psychologically stamped in by" [the time a
child goes to school] .. is sex role. The ... child enters the system of
formal education clearly categorised as boy or girl, but beyond that his
role is not yet differentiated..."
|
These "anatomically correct" dolls illustrate the main
physical identity
that parents look for in their new-born children. Is it a girl, like the
one on the left, or a boy, like the one on the right?
About one in a hundred babies have mixed features, but 99% of babies are
clearly a boy or a girl.
Every baby has a different
personality and some of these differences may
relate to his or her physical identity as a boy or a girl. However, on the
basis of this underlying physical difference, socialisation creates
sex roles
(gender roles).
The little girl and boy on the seaside ponies are
distinguished by their clothes and by their hairstyle, for example. She
wears a dress and has long hair tied by a ribbon, whilst he has short hair,
a shirt and short trousers.
|
PARSONS
Sex-roles decided in
primary socialisation in the
family
Parsons argues that human desires (motivations) are not simply
biological,
but are produced by the interaction of biology and social experience. That
is, our biological needs are given shape by
socialisation. All societies
need to
motivate people to perform their
roles. In the
social system as a
whole, this is done by the family and by socialisation.
"
It is because the human personality is not "born" but must be "made"
through the socialisation process that in the first instance families are
necessary. They are factories which produce human
personalities."
The family establishes
"certain foundations" of what the child will want
out of life. But,
according to
Parsons, the only way in which children are
irretrievably made "different" in the family is in sex role. By the time
school starts, children have learnt to be boys and girls, and which they
are is
"stamped" on their personality.
School directs children to their future
As far as I know, Parsons doe not discuss girls in school. He did make
a
study of boys in school and, from this, he argued that the early
school
largely decides what the child's future status in life will be.
I am going to speculate that he would have argued that the school also
decided (at
that stage in American history) that the future of most little
girls would be as wives, housewives and mothers.
PARSONS
Parsons argued that the
differentiation of men and women's personalities may be
due to
the
functional
needs
of society. Differentiation here means that the "maleness" of boys and the
"femaleness" of girls is developed by society, roughly parallel with their
body's development, so that they become different in a complementary way.
In terms of our
three stage socialisation model, this means that a child learns
his or her gender role in its family, then the school develops separate
career paths for the boys and girls in response to the needs that society
communicates to it.
By functional needs Parsons means something necessary to keep the social
system working. In other words, American society moulded men and women to
meet needs that all social systems have. The interplay of forces we need to
analyse is not just between biology and education, but between biology,
education and social needs.
Robert Freed Bales, a student of Parsons, pioneered the study of small
groups in an experimental setting. His observations of university
volunteers working on group tasks he set, were used to support a theory
that all groups have a need for
instrumental and affective leadership.
Affectivity is a state of feeling (pleasurable or painful). In our
relationships we have to choose how much feeling we allow ourselves.
Parsons argues that when we are seeking goals (instrumental roles), or
making moral decisions, we discipline or even renounce our feelings. In
"expressive" contexts, however, we indulge our emotions
However, Parsons and Bales argued, all group tasks require an element of
each. The group needs a leader who will focus it on how to achieve its task
(instrumental-orientation), but it also needs a leader who will focus it in
how to resolve the inter-personal problems that this creates (affective
orientation).
What applies to small groups also applies to societies. Societies need
groups where people resolve their emotional problems, as well as groups
where they get on with tasks. In mid twentieth century America the
emotional unit was, increasingly, the nuclear family, and the emotional
leader of the nuclear family was, increasingly, the mother.
In
1955 Parsons and Bales wrote
"we argue that probably the importance of the family and its function for
society constitutes the primary set of reasons why there is a social as
distinguished from purely reproductive differentiation of sex
roles."
"The problem is not why [differentiation]
appears ... but why the man takes the more instrumental role, the woman the
more expressive, and why ... these roles take particular
forms."
In the years that followed, a new feminist movement developed in America
that questioned these very issues. Why does the woman get landed with being
the mother, and why does she have to do it in families dominated by, and
provided for by, men?
Parsons was criticised by many faminists, but by prising sex-roles away
from biological determination and focusing on the interplay between
biology, socialisation and social pressures, he can be seen as preparing
the way for the theoretical work of the feminists.
|
19.2.1963 The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan published.
Read the
Wikipedia article.
|
TABLE OF SOME IMPORTANT SEX-RELATED TERMS IN SOCIAL THEORY
The meanings of the terms we use differs from author to author. In the
following table I start with the definitions
James Fulcher and John Scott give in the textbook
Sociology and then draw on my own
Social Science Dictionary with a Durkheim bias (Words to
describe social reality)
|
click for dictionary
|
|
|
SEX
one meaning in Fulcher and Scott - at least three meanings in common
culture
|
Fulcher and Scott use this word for "The physical and anatomical
differences that are held to distinguish men and women"
The
other main meaning is a short form for sexual intercourse. It is
also used for any kind of physical contact between individuals for pleasure
of the type that might lead to sexual intercourse. It can also refer to
thought and symbols about such things, Fulcher and Scott call these
activities
sexuality.
|
|
GENDER
|
Fulcher and Scott use this word for "Expectations of the way that men and
women are expected to feel, think and behave"
One's gender can just mean one's
sex in the sense of being either male or female. In its richer
sense, gender refers to all the characteristics that attach to being male
or female, including ones that are of cultural origin.
|
|
SEX ROLE
GENDER ROLE
GENDER IDENTITY
|
Fulcher and Scott say gender role is the "specification of the way
in which
men and women are expected to feel, think and behave". They say
sex-role
means the same, but "implies that the behaviour of men and women is shaped
by their
sex rather than by
gendered expectations"
|
|
SEXUALITY
|
Fulcher and Scott: The activity that people find physically arousing and
those aspects of identity, lifestyle, and community associated with this
activity.
Sexuality refers to sexual desires in general or to the way people
experience sexual feelings. Fulcher and Scott use it instead of
sex in order to distinguish "what sex are you?" from "do you
like sex?".
|
|
SEXUAL ORIENTATION
|
Sexual orientation is not in Fulcher and Scott's glossary or index. In the
text they appear to use sexual identity as an alternative term. They
refer (critically) to the concept that people are "heterosexual,
homosexual, or possibly bisexual" (pages 165 to 168)
|
|
MAN
MAN AND WOMAN
HUSBAND AND WIFE
|
Man is not in Fulcher and Scott's glossary.
"Man" can mean human or male. In its
gender free sense, it can mean the human species or it can mean
a human individual. Or man can mean male, the counterpart to female
(woman). Over 2,000 years ago, Aristotle wrote "Out of these two
relationships between man and woman, master
and slave,
the
first thing to arise is the family..."
(Aristotle
1252b9)
|
|
FAMILY
|
Fulcher and Scott say this is "a much debated term" often defined as "a
social group based on marriage, biological descent, and adoption". They
offer as a "less exclusive" definition: "a small group of closely related
people who share a distinct sense of identity and a responsibility for each
other that outweighs commitments to others"
We tend to think of families as parents and children (See nuclear
family). Read
the dictionary article to see what a range of groups the word
has covered.
Talcott Parsons says that the family is an institution around
which the structures of
kinship, control of
sex relations and
socialisation tend to cluster.
|
|
MARRIAGE
|
Marriage is not in Fulcher and Scott's glossary.
Marriage is a religious or civil ceremony that joins a man and a woman in a
permanent (until broken) relationship which is usually completed
(consummated) by their sexual union.
Biology being biology, this usually creates children and makes a
nuclear family
|
|
KINSHIP
|
Fulcher and Scott: A network of relatives (kin) who are connected by common
descent or marriage
Kinship is a much wider network of relationships than what we call the
nuclear
family of parents and children. We might compare it to the idea
of an extended
family. Like
family, it is an important concept in linking
personality to
social structure
. See patriarchal families and
democratic or
companionship families
|
Marx and
Engels
Marx and Engels on structure
We used this diagram to show how Marx and Engels argued that
society can be
divided into a material base (foundations) and a structure built on top of
that (superstructure).
|
SUPERSTRUCTURE
|
|
MATERIAL BASE = PRODUCTION AND REPRODUCTION
|
Law, which we discussed at
the begining of the lecture, is part of the superstructure. So
is
culture.
According to this historical
materialist model, all the changes in law and social
attitudes to sexuality and gender, should be related to underlying changes
in economic and reproductive relations.
The original
(1848) and 1859) model had class struggle and economics as
the base. Engels produced
the complete model in
1884.
Shulamith Firestone's converted it into a chart in
1971
The evolution of gender structures
Based on
Shulamith Firestone's chart
CIVILISATION
as town & country
merchants develop.
1. Ancient mode of production based on slavery
2.
Feudal mode of production based on serfdom
3.
Capitalist
mode of production based on free labour
|
PATRIARCHY
(Descent is traced by the male line)
takes over as male power is increased by the
development of property.
The family becomes a one-sided monogamy in that women cannot have sexual
relations with men other than their husbands whilst men are allowed sex
with other women, through prostitution, for example. Engels called this
hetaerism
|
THE STATE:
developed with commerce, because it became necessary to
regulate everyone within a given territory, irrespective of family.
The slave state,
feudal
state and bourgeois (modern) state were different
forms.
|
| Revolution leads first to:
SOCIALISM
Then to:
COMMUNISM
|
The freedom of women becomes possible
|
Under Socialism the state will be used to suppress the old
classes. Under Communism the state will wither away.
|
SIMONE DE BEAUVOIR
The People and ideas article on
Engels and
gender also discusses the responses of Simone de Beavoir and
Shulamith Firestone to Engels' theories.
Inequality - Poverty - Wealth
|
How fair is
Britain?
The 2010 "How Fair is Britain?" review says that:
There are significant differences in life expectancy between members
of different socio-economic groups. Men in the highest socio-economic group
can expect to live around 7 years longer than men in the lower groups. For
women, the comparable gap is similar.
Comment:
This relates life-span to Socio-economic group.
Socio-economic group's are our most used tool for describing the
stratification
of a nation's social structure
Socio-economic group classifies people according to their occupation
(socio) and income (economic). The United Kingdom system (as used in the
2001 census)
classifies people as
|
Higher managerial and professional occupations
|
|
Lower managerial and professional occupations
|
|
Intermediate occupations (clerical, sales, service)
|
|
Small employers and own account workers
|
|
Lower supervisory and technical occupations
|
|
Semi-routine occupations
|
|
Routine occupations
|
|
Never worked and long-term unemployed
|
Our system of arranging groups like this is just over one hundred years old
-
See history
Measuring people's
social class involves making decisions about
what it is about a person you need to measure. You could measure how much
money they have coming in (income), or how much they own (wealth) or what
they do (occupation)
The United Kingdom system focuses on occupation. The reason for this is
related to activities like trying to relate health and life-span to social
class.
In
1928 the man who devised the system,
Thomas Stevenson gave a paper on 'The Vital
Statistics of Wealth and Poverty' in which he argued that
"culture" is more
important than material factors [See
Marx] in explaining the lower mortality of the
"wealthier classes".
Culture included knowledge of health and hygiene
issues. He argued that this was more easily equated to occupation than to
income and wealth.
|
|
In these lectures on social structures and social identities, we are
looking at
1) How theorists imagine the structure of society and
2) how they relate structure to the social interactions that create our
personal identities as individuals
To do this with inequality, wealth and poverty, let us listen to an
anonymous song that British soldiers sang in the trenches in the
first world war about the seduction and
suicide of a woman who was poor, but honest. The chorus of this
is
"It's the same the whole world over,
Isn't it a blooming shame?
It's the rich what gets the pleasure,
It's the poor what gets the blame."
Nothing, it may seem, can be more
personal and more
individual than
suicide. Nothing more
structural than the distribution of wealth and
poverty. The song describes the structure within which the
interactions
between the rich man and the poor woman takes place. In one verse we see
how wealth is related to
political
power
and how poverty might lead a woman
to prostitution:
"See him in the House of Commons,
Passing laws to combat crime,
While the victim of his evil,
Walks the streets at night in shame."
It seems that structure has determined her
personality: she walks the
streets "in shame".
However, the song makes her an
active
agent in
social interaction, even
after her death.
"When they dragged her from the river,
Water from her clothes they wrung,
And they thought that she had drownded,
Till her corpse got up and sung....."
"It's the same the whole world over,
Isn't it a blooming shame?
It's the rich what gets the pleasure,
It's the poor what gets the blame."
|
rich and poor not the same the whole world over
GLOBAL
AND
NATIONAL
VIEWS
The concept of inequality is most often associated with images of wealth
and poverty. Two distinct images spring easily to mind, the image of
wealthy people and poor people in the same society (See
Big Issue)
, and the starker image
of international inequality that comes to us with appeals for famine
relief (See
Oxfam).
Why are they different images? A careful reading of Fulcher and Scott
reveals that it is because our images of inequality are related to the
social reality of society. (See
Durkheim).
There are real societies that we
call nations
and real inter-relations between them that we call international relations.
At the present stage of history, the
solidarity within nations is greater
than the solidarity across national boundaries.
Marx argues that economic inequality plays a key role
When we read about the rich man and the poor woman
"See him in the House of Commons,
Passing laws to combat crime,
While the victim of his evil,
Walks the streets at night in shame."
We are reminded of Marx and Engels arguing in the
Communist Manifesto (1848) that
"The bourgeoisie has at
last, since the establishment of modern industry and of the world market,
conquered for itself, in the modern representative state, exclusive
political sway. The executive of the modern state is but a committee for
managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie."
inequality, wealth and poverty are not just economic
The song also reminds us that inequality is not just economic.
|
The song is
about the relations between a rich man and a poor woman and
Marx and Engels (in particular) pointed to the double standards in sexual
morality that helped to secure male domination of women.
(See hetaerism above)
|
Fulcher and Scott speak of
"various dimensions" of inequality which include:
gender inequality,
amongst
others.
They relate these
structured inequalities to the different
"life chances" of
the different groups.
STRUCTURED INEQUALITY
MARKET
AND
STATE
Robert Merton, a student of
Talcott Parsons analysed society in terms of structure and
culture. He argued that there could be a strain between the two. The
culture could set out ideals that the structure made difficult to achieve.
A similar idea underlies what
Fulcher and Scott say
about structured
inequality.
culture
"
Universalism involves treating all people in the same way... In
a universalistic system , all are free to achieve social goals through
their own individual efforts" (Fulcher and Scott 2007") p.724)
"Universalism has generally been seen as operating most
effectively through either a market mechanism or a bureaucratic mechanism"
(p.724)
In England the Conservative Party usually sets out the benefits of the free
market and the Labour Party puts more emphasis on the power of the state
bureaucracy to achieve the welfare of the people. However, different views
"agree in ... involving universalitic standards..."
(Fulcher and Scott
2007 p.724)
structure
[MOBILITY -
Fulcher and Scott
2007" pages 741-744]
If the development of the market and the development of bureaucracy are
both seen (in our culture) as aiming at greater
equality of
opportunity, we might expect to see reduction of poverty and the
development of an increasingly open society in which people moved up (and
sometimes down) the social ladder.
Fulcher and Scott present evidence to show that in some respects, and from
some views, this is what happened in Europe and the United States. However
1) Studies of social mobility (movement between classes) in Britain showed
that "people were more likely to remain where they were born than they were
to rise or fall"
(Fulcher and Scott
2007 p.741)
2) In the United States "the effects of universalism... were partially
counteratcted by the persistence of racism and of disadvantages linked to
ethnicity".
(Fulcher and Scott
2007 p.744)
These conclusions (and others) suggested to the researchers that there are
structural features in the societies that are at odds with the cultural
ideals. What these structural features might be are matters of debate, but
we might suggest that the existing
hierarchies of inequality have ways of
resisting downward mobility of the people at the top, and upward mobility
of people at the bottom.
PARSONS ON THE
CLASSROOM
|
We can use our
earlier diagram to think about how inequality
relates to the social structures of the family, school and society outside
them.
Parsons study of Boston schools showed that children from different classes
were assessed on what he considered universalistic criteria. They were not
rewarded because of who their parents were, but because of their
achievements.
|
As a result, many children from lower classes planned to go
on to college, and, Parsons says, going to college was the main thing that
decide who went into the higher classes.
Parsons looked at boys from different classes but of similar ability
measured by
IQ tests meant to tell what a child is capable of. He found
that amongst the pupils with the greatest ability
"
the range of college intentions was from 29 per cent for sons of labourers
to 89 per cent for major white collar persons
"
If almost a third of the brightest working class boys go to college and
change class that certainly suggests some mobility. But there a forces at
work in the opposite direct, for almost 90% of the upper class boys go on
to college.
What are the structural forces against mobility? Finance would appear to be
one force. Ambition might be another. Discrimination might be another.
These are matters for investigation.
As we have seen, boys from black families were much more unlikely to
advance than boys from white families. A reason for this could have been
that, on average, black pupils had less innate ability than white pupils.
IQ tests seemed to support this finding. In the 1960s, however, researchers
suggested that IQ tests did not measure an innate fixed ability, but only a
stage of development that a child had reached. It was argued that the
family life of many black children (with mainly manual class parents) did
not develop their abilities in the way that the life of many white (mainly
middle class) families did.
PIERRE BOURDIEU
1963 to 1968 empirical research in French schools
1979 (in French) Distinction: A Social Critique of
the Judgment
of Taste
Argument: Power defines taste.
"the working-class 'aesthetic' is a dominated 'aesthetic' which
is constantly obliged to define itself in terms of the dominant aesthetics"
The children of different classes learn different habits of mind and
behaviour in the family.
As a result, children expect different things from life.
A working class child might not expect photography to be an art form, for
example. He or she might become a photographer who took straight pictures,
whilst a child from an "artistic" home might pursue photography a art
school.
In this way, stratification is perpetuated by the culture we learn at home.
TABLE OF SOME IMPORTANT INEQUALITY-RELATED TERMS IN SOCIAL THEORY
This table first inter-relates the definitions
James Fulcher and John Scott give in the textbook
Sociology. It also links this to material in my own
Social Science Dictionary with a Durkheim bias (Words to
describe social reality)
|
click for dictionary
|
|
|
EQUALITY
|
Fulcher and Scott: A condition in which all members of a society are equal
to one another in one or more measuarable respects. Includes
"equality of
opportunity",
"equality of outset" and
"equality of outcome"
|
|
INEQUALITY
|
Fulcher and Scott do not include in their glossary, but say (under
"A structure of inequality and
domination",
p.12) that "some groups benefit
more" from societies activities (see
life-chances). They say the "various dimensions" of inequality
include:
class,
ethnic,
gender,
religious and nationality inequalities
within
nations and international inequalities between nations.
Three theoretical issues raised by the study of inequality are
Stratification, control, and
conflict
|
|
POVERTY
|
Fulcher and Scott (page 728) say that poverty and
wealth are best defined
in relation to one another. Relative to what is
"normal for citizens in a
particular society", the poor are those who are deprived of, or even
exluded
from full public life. In a "theory box" they distinguish this concept of
relative
poverty from the concept of absolute poverty
|
|
ABSOLUTE POVERTY
|
Fulcher and Scott (page 728) say that an absolute view of poverty tries to
measure it in terms of a fixed and unchanging baseline. Poverty is seen as
defined as physiological subsistence or fixed human needs.
|
|
RELATIVE POVERTY
|
Fulcher and Scott: A condition where people follow a way of life that is
deprived relative to the standard of living that is customary or accepted
as
normal in their society. They are unable to fulfil the rights of
citizenship to the full.
|
|
WEALTH
|
Fulcher and Scott: The opposite of poverty
(relative poverty). because of their income and asset, the
wealthy are able
to enjoy life chances and lifestyles that are superior to those that are
recognised as normal for citizens in their society. Wealth is the basis of
privilege.
|
|
LIFE CHANCES |
Fulcher and Scott: The
opportunities that a person has to acquire income, education,
housing, health, and other valued resources. They are the basis of
inequalities.
|
OPPORTUNITY
|
Fulcher and Scott define
equality of opportunity as a condition in
which entry to all social positions is governed by criteria of
universalism: they are open to all on the basis of merit, rather
than being limited by birth or social background
|
OUTCOME
|
Fulcher and Scott define
equality of outcome as a condition in
which all members of a society enjoy the same standard of living and
Life-chances
|
OUTSET
|
Fulcher and Scott define
equality of outset as a condition in
which all start out from similar positions in the competition for
advantages, as in a competitive race.
|
|
STRATIFICATION
|
Fulcher and Scott:
See
stratification and hierarchy and
class
|
|
CONTROL
|
Fulcher and Scott:
|
|
CONFLICT
|
Fulcher and Scott:
|
© Andrew Roberts
My referencing suggestion for this page is a bibliography
entry:
Roberts, Andrew 11.2011 - Social structures and social identities
Available at http://studymore.org.uk/structur.htm
and intext references to (Roberts, A. 11.2011).
See ABC
Referencing for general advice.
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